Han Shizu

Chapter 2149: Sejong Chapter 25: New Treaty of the Supremacy and Vassal

Chapter 2149: Sejong Chapter 25: New Treaty of the Supremacy and Vassal
The new law on the control of vassal states was born in the summer of the third year of Jianlong's reign. It was signed in Chongyuan Hall by the central government represented by Emperor Liu Wenji and the princes of all sizes. Some of its core contents were groundbreaking compared with previous ones.

For example, the imperial central court will give up interfering in the internal affairs of the vassal states and only retain the right to speak in diplomacy, military affairs, and clan law. At the same time, the court will further withdraw the troops stationed in Southeast Asia (except for the navy, the size is less than 3,000, and the Southeast Asian countries have basically taken care of themselves in terms of national security).

For example, the central government will completely stop providing free aid and support to various countries (this has actually been maintained in the past, but the scale and frequency have been greatly reduced. This is inevitable in the process of interfering in and "guiding" the affairs of various countries). Instead, each country should pay tribute to the central government every year according to the patriarchal system, and the court will give back depending on the situation.

This is of course only a formal change, but sometimes formalism also reflects order and reality. A vassal, a vassal, it should naturally return to its original appearance.

For example, the opening of trading ports to various countries was expanded, merchants from various countries were allowed to trade in cities within the empire's land and water reach except the two capitals, officials from various countries were allowed to set up trading houses in the two capitals, tariffs on imports and exports of goods were lowered, and customs declarations were abolished for merchant ships from closed states. Of course, in return, various countries also allowed Han merchants to go there to do business freely (this has actually always been the case. After all, the development of various countries' commerce and relations with the empire in many cases relied on the exchanges between Han merchants).

Although the Han Dynasty's foreign trade was developing in full swing, there was serious trade discrimination in the past trade rules, which only targeted other civilized countries and ordinary merchants under the vassal states.

For a long time, the only people who could do business unimpeded between the empire and the feudal states were either the officials of each country or the dignitaries who had enough influence on both sides. People from other classes and identities were not prohibited from doing business, but they had to accept certain restrictions and exploitation, including the location and scope of business and taxation.

There is a provision in the customs management system of the Han Dynasty that all foreign merchant ships must first pay a certain "customs tax" according to the size of the ship before they can enter the port or commercial port for trade. After that, there are also berthing, commodity, transaction and other business taxes.
For domestic and foreign merchants, the imperial court was a vampire during the Maritime Customs Administration era, and it remained so after the customs reform, but the blood-sucking power was relatively reduced. In the past twenty years, why did more and more Western merchant ships choose to trade in Southeast Asia? In addition to the conflict of religious civilizations, it was also related to the complex business environment in the empire.

After this conference, the imperial court greatly relaxed restrictions on foreign trade and business, and all the rules and regulations became more reasonable, which were the most fundamental needs of the Southeast Asian countries.

This is also determined by the geographical environment of each country. After decades of development of maritime trade, a social consciousness seems to have awakened for the closed countries in Southeast Asia, especially those island countries: no business, no trade, or death!
At the same time, for the local indigenous forces, the Han people are outsiders after all, invaders who are outnumbered. They must also maintain and strengthen their contacts with the empire's homeland, which is a fundamental issue of survival.

The imperial court became generous and reasonable in this regard and lifted many restrictions, which was naturally welcomed and supported by the Southeast Asian countries. Based on this, it was also natural to make corresponding compromises in other aspects.

Compared with the countries in Southeast Asia, which can be bought off with some commercial interests, the land-based feudal states in the north are not so easy to deal with. There are fundamental differences in the demands for national interests between the feudal states in the north and the south.

Just a set of new land trade regulations with concessions was not enough to satisfy the northern feudal states. They were more accustomed to the support of the imperial court, or more accustomed to sucking blood from the empire. As for the set of measures proposed by Liu Wenji's court, in the eyes of some feudal kings, that was what they deserved.

Therefore, when it came to sealing off the northern states, Liu Wenji also adjusted his attitude and methods accordingly. Simply compromising and buying off would not work, and a tough attitude was necessary.

At present, the authority of the central government and the strength of the imperial court are not something that other countries can contend with, even though some countries seem to have become stronger. However, it may not be easy for the empire to succeed, but it is easy to ruin it. After all, the central government holds the righteousness and legal principles, and these influences are not something that the small and large feudal states hatched by the empire can easily get rid of.

Of course, if Liu Wenji's uncles were still in power, he would have to be more cautious and not take big steps. However, the older generation of uncles and princes are a thing of the past after all. When facing their peers, even King Andong Liu Wenyuan could not intimidate Liu Wenji.

As for the two kings of Anxi and Kangju, they had both succeeded to the throne not long ago and were facing various challenges of inheriting the crown for the first time, especially the King of Anxi, Liu Wenzhe. Faced with the invasion of the Ghaznavid Dynasty from outside and the challenge of the "two marquises" from within, it was a time when he needed the support of the court the most, so how could he dare to go against the court?

As the actual founder of the feudal state, Beiting King Liu Wengong had good vision and insight. In the national development strategy he formulated for Beiting, maintaining imperial relations and strengthening vassal exchanges were the core contents.

For them, steady and long-term development is the right path, and the reform of vassal relations carried out by Liu Wenji is a healthy and long-term path. Compared with endless wrangling and contradictions, the days with clear accounts are more comfortable and relaxed.

At the same time, the imperial court also had another weak point in the three Central Asian countries. The Han population they urgently needed, the export of Han population, obviously could not be completely free and arbitrary. Once the imperial court tightened this loophole, the development momentum of the three countries would immediately slow down, or even stagnate or regress.

The population of the Han area was a core issue concerning the foundation of the Three Kingdoms’ rule. They did not dare to neglect this matter. At least at the moment, the central government was strong and had the “population weapon” in their hands, which had a profound and significant impact on them. They did not dare to rebel. After all, they were in different environments, faced different enemies and situations.

In comparison, only the Kingdom of Andong was unmoved. Liu Wenji's relationship arrangement, vassal regulations, and interest buying did not have much appeal to Andong.

The Andong system has become mature and complete, and has long formed an operating mechanism that adapts to its development. No matter how the court changes, there are really not many things that can be changed in Andong, especially under the rule of Andong King Liu Wenyuan.

Therefore, Liu Wenyuan was the coldest to Liu Wenji's series of opinions and measures, and he did not agree with any of them from beginning to end. However, after all the other kings were dealt with by Liu Wenji one by one, the opinions of Andong, the nominal leader of the countries, were not so important.

In fact, among the large and small fiefdoms, Andong was different from other countries in that it had frequent exchanges and support. Andong was a little solitary and had no close relations with other countries. Not to mention the countries in Central Asia and Southeast Asia, even the neighboring Raole Kingdom had a bad relationship. There were conflicts on the border between the two countries, and the military, merchants and civilians of Andong invaded from time to time. The fundamental reason was that when Emperor Shizu first established the country, he gave the cultivated land of Andong in the Nahe Plain to Raole.

Among the core laws, there are also provisions such as "domestic and foreign nationals must abide by the laws of the empire in the Han Dynasty. If they violate the rules, they must be punished according to the laws of the Han Dynasty." This is one of the earliest "laws", but it was mentioned repeatedly by Liu Wenji, targeting the country of Andong, because the merchants and civilians of Andong were the most unruly and most likely to infringe on the interests of the officials and civilians of the empire.

In addition, it was emphasized again that vassal states were not allowed to attack each other at will. If there were any irreconcilable conflicts, they had to report to the central government for judgment. Those who started a war without authorization would be attacked by the empire and the vassal states.

This one is obviously a precautionary measure for the event of Kangju conquering Khotan. However, how long it can prevent it depends on the changing situation. After all, all the restrictive laws are ultimately based on power and strength.

Once the central authority is gone... Of course, raising this possibility itself does not make much sense. This set of "new laws" was formulated against the backdrop of the empire's heyday, and this is also the basis for its promotion and implementation.

But no matter what, after a not-so-harmonious process, the imperial center and the vassal states formally concluded a brand-new "Imperial Supremacy System", laying the foundation for a brand-new pattern in Central and East Asia. For the whole world, the northern and southern vassal states, which were further relaxed and gained greater autonomy, would also usher in their freer and more in-depth exploration and conquest.

As for how long this set of rules and the world order formed around it can last, it is difficult to draw a conclusion, but it cannot be overturned in a short period of time. After all, it is a joint oath of the central emperor and the kings, and those who break the oath will find it difficult to withstand the backlash from the will of the entire empire.

At the same time, it will inevitably change with the rise and fall of the Central Empire until the next wave of historical waves comes and it can no longer withstand the impact and cannot be maintained. But before that, its influence on the entire world history has already become a fact, and that is enough.

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Of course, it is impossible for everyone to be satisfied with the result of this conference. There are always people who feel that they have suffered losses, or even been suppressed. For example, Liu Wenyuan, the King of Anton, had a gloomy face and said nothing, but everyone could feel his inner dissatisfaction and unwillingness.

Another example is Liu Xuan, the King of Jiujiang, the fifteenth son of Emperor Shizu, born to Consort Fu Huifei. Like a spoiled child, he went to the emperor's eldest nephew and said aggrievedly that his fiefdom was a barren land ruled by barbarians and it was hard to talk about production. He, as a king, had never seen what it was like and could not pay tribute to the court as agreed. He hoped that the court would give him some time to wait for his fiefdom to develop like other brother countries before paying tribute.
To be honest, the differences between these feudal states of the Han Empire were indeed huge. Some had conquered countless territories and had hundreds of thousands of soldiers, while others were still in nominal rule.

For example, Liu Xuan, the King of Jiujiang, had his fiefdom on the Philippine island, where conditions were much better than those of Liu Yao's fiefdom on Mindanao. However, in the more than 20 years since Emperor Taizong granted the fiefdom, Liu Xuan had not managed it well. Apart from sending some family servants and retainers there, he had not taken any other action.

After all, reclaiming wasteland is not an easy task. It is hard and can easily result in casualties. Even now, the order of Liu Xuan's so-called feudal state is maintained with the help of the neighboring Northern Lu State, and it remains at an extremely low level.

Logically speaking, as the son of Concubine Fu Hui, with the support of the Fu family in the country and the help of his brother Liu Shu, he should be able to live a comfortable life. In fact, this is also the case, but his energy is not focused on the management of his own fiefdom.

In the map of the empire's foreign trade, the Jiujiang Palace has a place. The merchant fleet led by the palace, relying on its strong background and connections, can be said to have traversed the rivers and oceans, running between the Han Dynasty and the countries in Southeast Asia. In the past thirty years, it has earned a considerable fortune.

With Liu Xuan's accumulation and experience in maritime exchanges, the starting capital for the establishment of a state was sufficient. You know, a primitive and barren island like Medan, under the remote control of Liu Yao, the King of Xuchang, although it did not become a state, opened up several settlements and trade points, built a "main city town", and established a basic administrative order, successfully spreading the glory of the Han civilization.

But Liu Xuan used the wealth he accumulated, either to store it as a miser or to enjoy the luxury of the Jiujiang Palace. Obviously, Liu Xuan did not have much awareness and did not understand that the management of a country is far more valuable than the management of money.

Among the sixteen emperors of Emperor Shizu, Liu Xuan was probably the least capable prince. Not to mention other heroes, even Liu Hui and Liu Shu were far inferior. In his early years, it can be said that it was Fu Huifei's doting that led to his failure, but Huifei had passed away many years ago. Later, Liu Xuan made all the decisions on his own.
When facing Liu Xuan, the emperor's uncle, and seeing his bitter expression, Liu Wenji had the urge to whip him a few times. He had just made the oath of alliance, and he did this to him. If he had not known Liu Xuan's greed, he would have doubted his intentions and whether he was deliberately going against him.

Of course, Liu Xuan's intention could not be realized. Just because of his caravan, he had no right to cry poor in front of the emperor. Liu Wenji would not allow the new system of vassalage, which needed to be carefully maintained, to be destroyed for such an inexplicable reason.

The one who could challenge Liu Wenji the most was King Liu Shu of Chu, and he was still the one who acted the most calm and composed afterwards. Apart from having the meeting results and the new law agreed upon be sent back to Linyi in the form of an official document, so that the crown prince Liu Wenyan and the dignitaries of Linyi could make corresponding policy adjustments according to the new law, Liu Shu did not do anything else or say anything else.

Liu Wenyuan, the King of Andong, sent someone to invite him to a banquet, but Liu Shu refused directly. Not only did he refuse, he also ridiculed the visitor. At the same time, Liu Shu also told his subordinates that Liu Wenyuan's ambition was well known to everyone, and if he didn't restrain himself, he would suffer disaster sooner or later.

Obviously, Liu Shu had been absurd for decades, and even Emperor Taizu could not change his temper. However, he was always a smart man, and he could see clearly on key issues. All the absurdity was just because he was unwilling to suppress his nature.

Among all the kings of the feudal states, Liu Shu was the most carefree and free, enjoying a lifetime of wealth and honor. His kingdom was also fought for by the crown prince Liu Wenyan and his retainers and generals such as Liu Gong. In contrast, the King of Qi Liu Yun, who always expressed his desire to live a carefree life, never really lived a carefree life until his death in Beijinzhou. Among the sons of Emperor Taizu, the one who lived the most transparent and relaxed life was undoubtedly the King of Chu Liu Shu.

After learning that Liu Shu had refused Liu Wenyuan's banquet and that private conversation, Liu Wenji had to admit that for the first time he changed his opinion of this imperial uncle who had repeatedly caused him trouble during the conference. Some people and things really cannot be judged based on the surface at a single moment.

As for King Liu Wenyuan of Andong, after Liu Shu's refusal, he decisively stopped the preparations for the banquet and left Beijing the next day. He did not personally bid farewell to Liu Wenji, but only asked his ministers to submit a memorial to apologize.

While Liu Wenyuan was showing off his arrogance and dissatisfaction, he was actually feeling very disappointed. Since his father, Liu Xu, the Prince of Qin, was still alive, he had lost count of how many times he had left the imperial capital in dejection, but none of them had made him feel as frustrated as this time.

The key point is that even Liu Wenji, an emperor who "came to power illegitimately", could control him tightly. What future do he and Anton have? Thirty years ago, Liu Wenyuan was young and vigorous, and he still had time to wait, settle and accumulate, but now, he is also an old man in his 60s.

No matter how ambitious he was, Liu Wenyuan, who was in his twilight years, felt fear for the first time. He was afraid that he would not be free in this life and would end up doing nothing and being depressed.
(End of this chapter)

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