New Shun 1730

The so-called old framework refers to the fact that private ownership in Dashun has long been established.

It also refers to some of Dashun’s existing policies. For example, in order to implement border migration, merchants and landlords were encouraged to "bring people" over. If they brought enough people and reclaimed enough land, they could be given official positions similar to donations.

Of course, it also includes traditional ideas such as equal distribution of land, small farmers, people and land, and limited land.

Under these old frameworks, internally, they have actually reached their limit; but in border areas and new colonies, many things can be done.

It should be noted that at this time, the small peasant economy, especially in the New World, is not backward and does not restrict the development of productivity. On the contrary, it is precisely the [foundation of the prosperity of reclamation colonies].

Whether this prosperity will become [a chronic disease of reclamation colonies] is another question.

The problem is not whether the small peasant economy in the New World and border areas has reached the stage of restricting the development of productivity.

Rather, it is that small farmers themselves cannot complete such a large-scale migration.

To put it more clearly:

If there is a wormhole for migration, there is no cost.

Well, it was good for small farmers to farm in the past. On the contrary, in this case, large land ownership will curb the development of productivity - North America is an example. The early large land sales system made financial capital hoard land and buy land, cut it into small pieces and make a profit. It did not promote the development of productivity, but instead restricted the development of productivity.

However, the reality is that migration is not cost-free.

Therefore, it is necessary to lure capital as a tool to "organize social forces".

Here, the tool for organizing social forces can be the state machine of the court.

However, the foundation and framework of Dashun are here, and the court is incompetent and useless. A central government with such a large ruling area and collecting 20 to 30 million taels of silver a year, the central tax efficiency can almost be determined to be the "lower limit" of all centralized countries at that time - in Siam in the south, after the centralized reform, the central fiscal revenue reached 4.8 million pounds, equivalent to about 16 million taels of silver; after the fall of Japan, when there was no industry, it also collected 80 million taels of silver.

The extremely inefficient taxation efficiency, the almost uncontrolled local gentry, the occupation of gentry land, etc., made the Dashun court itself unable to be the tool for organizing social forces.

Because if the Dashun court wanted to be this tool, it would mean that it had to carry out drastic reforms internally.

Including using the "equal distribution of land and benevolent politics" of the radical school of practical learning, the state completely kicked out landlords, gentry, etc. for taxation, so that it could master enough power to be the tool for organizing social forces.

No one in Dashun dared to make big moves internally, which was determined by the nature of the feudal dynasty of Dashun.

Therefore, when Dashun itself could not be the tool for organizing social forces, someone needed to come out to play the leading role in the new era.

However, singing requires skills, that is, in a way similar to the French Physiocrats, "standing on the old aristocracy and the old system in name, singing the song of the new era".

Before, the "free trade" that Liu Yu talked about was fake free trade. Everyone knows this.

Liu Yu only stood on Dashun's own handicraft advantages and silver purchasing power advantages, and used standard mercantilism and monopoly essence to put on the cloak of free trade.

Therefore, Liu Yu's talk about free trade has no impact within Dashun. Because this is only "half-said" at all, only talking about the part of international trade, and ultimately relying on the reverse practice of Lao Ma's way of "using state power to obtain commercial hegemony" - using state power to obtain commercial hegemony, those who really understand it all understand that no matter how round this thing is, it can't be rounded into free trade. This is clearly mercantilism that can't be more obvious.

It's just that this is a special form of mercantilism that is different from Europe under the conditions of Dashun's developed handicraft industry and silver purchasing power.

Similarly, if someone wants to "inherit" the practical school, and at least inherit the practical school safely and secretly.

Then they also have to learn similar things: skinning, packaging, and dressing up.

And it's by no means to say that you have to directly spray: feudal nobles are garbage, landlords are waste, landlords are completely a burden in the eyes of the industrial bourgeoisie, etc.

You need to be skillful in doing things.

Although, in fact, landlords are a burden in the eyes of industrial capitalists, Adam Smith has pointed this out without any concealment.

However, in Dashun, perhaps the people can say this, but Li Xi can't say this. Because if he says this, then Sima Zhao's heart is known to everyone, and it is obvious that he is preparing to make trouble.

Therefore, after Li Xi showed his surprise, Liu Yu smiled and said: "Your Highness, do you know what the most discussed public opinion in the world is now?"

This is not a difficult problem.

"The most discussed thing in the world now is still the issue of people and land."

Liu Yu asked again: "What is the difference between the discussion of people and land issues now and thirty years ago?"

This question is of course not difficult.

"Thirty or forty years ago, the famous school said: equal land is the most benevolent policy in the world. Now the famous school talks more about relocation, migration, and reclamation. Equal land should be a means, and relocation should be the goal. This is especially true after some people who have reclaimed land in the South Pacific, Fuso and other places have returned."

Liu Yu said again: "Then Your Highness thinks that all the things Your Highness has thought of before are beyond the reach of all smart people in the world? Or, Your Highness thinks that Your Highness is so talented that only Your Highness can come up with these ideas. Even hiding them, thinking that if there is a chance to show off your skills in the future, you will make a big splash?"

After that, Liu Yu laughed and said: "Your Highness has read more books than me, and knows more about classics than me. But today, I will not talk about economics, trade, and the navy. Instead, I would like to suggest that Your Highness read Wen Zhonggong's "On Factions." "

"Ah? This..."

Hearing Liu Yu's suggestion that he read "On Factions", Li Li was speechless. It's not that he hasn't read it, and he can recite it backwards, but he can definitely recite it.

Seeing that he was holding back for a long time, Liu Yu said again: "Since you want to write an article, you must criticize the current situation. Criticizing the current situation is nothing more than discovering problems, analyzing problems, and solving problems."

"Discovering problems is easy."

"Analyzing problems...it depends on how you analyze them."

"How you analyze them determines how you solve them."

"Then in terms of discovering problems, Your Highness, think about the current discussions on the human-land problem and the discussions on the human-land problem thirty or forty years ago. Avoid some things that you don't want to talk about, then what the problem is, in fact, it can also be controlled."

"What are the current problems of the country? How should these problems be solved?"

"Confucius said: If the ways are different, they cannot be used as a conspiracy."

"If your Highness's way is not spoken, who knows whether it is the same or different?"

Li Xi could hear these truths, these were all polite words.

The real problem is not here at all.

It is not about how to go after Dashun.

It is not about not being able to work together with different ways, finding like-minded people, etc.

These polite words are fine to say, and Li Xi can say a lot of similar words.

The key question is, in Li Xi's opinion, is Liu Yu forcing him to die or forcing him to do something big? Or does he think that the prince had some fun in Hubei before, and this means that he still wants to fight?

More importantly, why did Liu Yu ask him to write a book?

If it is really for the country, regardless of personal interests, it seems that Liu Yu is undoubtedly the most suitable candidate. As a minister, if he dies normally, he must be given great honor after his death, and he himself is the real leader of the reform in recent years.

Before, Li Xi completely gave up because he felt that the "old conservatives" represented by Liu Yu would definitely support the stability of the government as much as possible, step by step, and also complete the repair of the Yellow River, digest India, and lay a good foundation for the reclamation of Fusang, etc.

These so-called "old conservatives" refer to the same group as Liu Yu, who made great contributions in foreign expansion, gave titles to their wives and children, and became the radicals who rose up during the period of the practical school, and were considered radicals thirty or forty years ago.

That is to say, it means that it is almost done, everything that should be done has been done, and stability is the main thing. Those who have digested what should be digested and the Yellow River that should be repaired have been repaired.

At least he thinks so. In particular, Liu Yu chose to repair the Yellow River, but now gave up the final completion of the river excavation. In Li Xi's view, it is like a statement: leaving the emperor room to arrange the handover and a smooth transition.

The matter of the Yellow River is already a natural outcome.

Who will preside over the completion of the work can arrange candidates for the handover in advance as qualifications.

At least, Li Xi thinks so.

But now it sounds like it is not.

Obviously, Liu Yu's attitude towards road construction, immigration, reclamation, etc. is obviously not "take it slow and let it go".

On the contrary, the previous conversation is enough to show that Liu Yu is actually very radical about road construction and infrastructure.

Many ideas were certainly proposed by Li Xi.

However, Liu Yu did not oppose in the general direction.

Moreover, in the details, he gave an extremely radical idea of ​​exchanging land for funds and overdrawing the future to raise money to complete infrastructure.

He even criticized Li Xi, saying that he actually still did not put the future on industry and commerce, but still had the same old ideas.

When Liu Yu suggested that he write a book and explain the key points, Li Xi was in a state of shock and astonishment almost throughout the whole process.

This... This clearly means that someone should be the "general backstage" of industry and commerce, and it is obvious that Liu Yu is considering the future and choosing a general backstage and headquarters for industry and commerce after him.

Liu Yu is certainly not an emperor, so it is impossible for him to designate someone as the crown prince to inherit the future.

Liu Yu is certainly not a prime minister who can choose one from his subordinates to take over the power of the prime minister. He does not have the power of the prime minister at all, and he is not at all. He is just a vassal of the imperial power. His power to reform does not come from him. It is not legitimate from the beginning to the end, but is completed as an extension of the imperial power.

The emperor inherits the future in the way of the crown prince, relying on blood relationship.

Liu Yu was talking about "On Factions" at this time, so it seems that his way of inheritance depends on "theory", "Tao" and "ambition".

Or, to use the more appropriate words at this time, it is the "Taotong" of the practical school.

Who will inherit the "Taotong" of the practical school?

In shock, Liu Yu smiled faintly, stood up and wanted to say goodbye, saying only: "I have gained a lot from the discussion with Your Highness today, and I have some enlightenment. After returning, it is just right to sort out these principles that have not been discussed before, and I will send them to your house soon."

Li Xi hurriedly saw him off, knowing what he meant.

Since it was not discussed before, naturally no one knew that it was Liu Yu who said it.

Compared with the theory of practical learning, Li Xi knew that he and Liu Yu were quite different.

Since no one knows that this is what Liu Yu said, then the final decision on whose name to sign is in his hands.

When to publish is another matter.

But as long as he signs his own name, it means that he has taken over the "orthodoxy" of the practical school.

This thing is not easy to take over.

Either die.

Or "go one step further" in the future.